Throughout the transitional phase, in post-revolution Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood has, thus far, taken a prudent, astute approach, invariably serving the interests of the people and the homeland. The Brotherhood believes that completing the democratic process, by establishing the constitutional State institutions, to which the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) will hand over ruling power, is the right, effective and safe way to achieve the objectives of the revolution and fulfill the hopes and aspirations of the people.
This approach has resulted in the election of the People's Assembly and Shura Council, which took over legislative authority from SCAF. Furthermore, today the election of the Constituent Assembly to draw up the new constitution is underway. Executive power remains in the hands of SCِAF and the Cabinet. However, although the Ganzouri government had its chance to prove its performance, unfortunately it failed even more disastrously, more spectacularly than previous governments, as demonstrated in the following:
- A weak and inconclusive statement at the People’s Assembly, rejected unanimously by all nineteen specialized parliamentary committees.
- Port Said Stadium disaster, tragic enough to force immediate resignation of the entire Cabinet.
- The flight of foreign defendants in the case of NGO foreign funding, after the Prime Minister’s assertion that Egypt would not kneel before pressures, and the Minister of International Cooperation (Faiza Abul-Naga)’s announcement that the accused had been plotting against Egypt for the benefit of the U.S. and Israel, with the government then claiming that it did not know anything about the accused fleeing, despite its claims of assuming the full powers of the President of the Republic.
- Seeking to squander State funds, estimated at tens of billions of dollars in order to leave the state treasury empty for the Cabinet that succeeds it.
- Failure to recover money looted and smuggled out of the country by icons of corruption and big-time thieves and robbers.
- Fabricating daily crises in the necessities of life: butane, gasoline, diesel fuel and daily bread troubles.
- Announcing that Egypt’s hard currency reserves are plunging critically, and the lack of transparency in the case of the deposed president’s private accounts.
- Failure to promptly solve the problem of public transport drivers.
Nevertheless, when demands are made for the current government to resign, its head refuses persistently and is, absurdly, supported by SCAF; which raises obvious questions about the secret behind clinging so tenaciously to losers and evident failures. Is it a desire to abort the revolution and destroy the people’s belief in their ability to achieve their goals? Or is there an intention to defraud or influence the forthcoming presidential election?
Even more absurd are threats to challenge the constitutionality of the People's Assembly through the President of the Supreme Constitutional Court; which is ludicrous. Is the Constitutional Court under the authority of the executive branch? Is the law or the Constitution what really governs the relationship between state authorities? or threats and manipulation of the constitution?
In fact, that inane constitutional challenge is only focused on the prescribed percentage for election candidate lists and the prescribed percentage of the ‘individual’ candidates. However, SCAF had discussed this percentage issue with all Egyptian political parties, forces and stakeholder, and also with members of the Supreme Constitutional Court. The election process was then approved by the Legislative Committee headed by the Minister of Justice (Al-Ahram Newspaper, 24 September 2011). Going back to threats regarding something that has been so thoroughly studied, discussed and approved by members of the Supreme Constitutional Court, is an unworthy form of blatant blackmail.
Keeping this Cabinet in power, especially as we approach the presidential election and the referendum on the Constitution, certainly raises doubts about the fairness and integrity of both the forthcoming election and the referendum. Further, the continued deterioration in the conditions of the people is one of many things that the people can no longer tolerate or suffer silently. Ultimately, if someone is trying to recreate the defunct, corrupt former regime with new faces, the people are able and willing to recreate the great revolution, to protect and save its vessel before it sinks to the bottom at the hands of people who do not appreciate this tremendous legal and national responsibility.
We do hope that things would not reach that point, and we hope that everyone shall work conscientiously for God first, and then for the benefit of the people and the homeland, placing them high above all narrow personal and factional interests.
May Allah protect Egypt and its people from sedition, strife and all evil. And may He help us fulfill the hopes of all the Egyptian people for freedom and dignity, sovereignty, progress and a real renaissance.
The Muslim Brotherhood
Cairo - 24 March 2012